按键盘上方向键 ← 或 → 可快速上下翻页，按键盘上的 Enter 键可回到本书目录页，按键盘上方向键 ↑ 可回到本页顶部！
————未阅读完？加入书签已便下次继续阅读！
insisted on that which he would not for a moment think of doing；
and that they were only bluffing him。 I believe （I have not；
since he made his answer； had a chance to examine the journals or
Congressional Globe and therefore speak from memory）I believe
the state of the bill at that time； according to parliamentary
rules； was such that no member could propose an additional
amendment to Chase's amendment。 I rather think this is the
truth；the Judge shakes his head。 Very well。 I would like to
know； then； if they wanted Chase's amendment fixed over； why
somebody else could not have offered to do it？ If they wanted it
amended； why did they not offer the amendment？ Why did they not
put it in themselves？ But to put it on the other ground：
suppose that there was such an amendment offered； and Chase's was
an amendment to an amendment； until one is disposed of by
parliamentary law； you cannot pile another on。 Then all these
gentlemen had to do was to vote Chase's on； and then； in the
amended form in which the whole stood； add their own amendment to
it； if they wanted to put it in that shape。 This was all they
were obliged to do； and the ayes and noes show that there were
thirty…six who voted it down； against ten who voted in favor of
it。 The thirty…six held entire sway and control。 They could in
some form or other have put that bill in the exact shape they
wanted。 If there was a rule preventing their amending it at the
time； they could pass that； and then； Chase's amendment being
merged； put it in the shape they wanted。 They did not choose to
do so； but they went into a quibble with Chase to get him to add
what they knew he would not add； and because he would not； they
stand upon the flimsy pretext for voting down what they argued
was the meaning and intent of their own bill。 They left room
thereby for this Dred Scott decision； which goes very far to make
slavery national throughout the United States。
I pass one or two points I have； because my time will very soon
expire； but I must be allowed to say that Judge Douglas recurs
again； as he did upon one or two other occasions； to the enormity
of Lincoln； an insignificant individual like Lincoln；upon his
ipse dixit charging a conspiracy upon a large number of members
of Congress； the Supreme Court； and two Presidents； to
nationalize slavery。 I want to say that； in the first place； I
have made no charge of this sort upon my ipse dixit。 I have only
arrayed the evidence tending to prove it； and presented it to the
understanding of others； saying what I think it proves； but
giving you the means of judging whether it proves it or not。
This is precisely what I have done。 I have not placed it upon my
ipse dixit at all。 On this occasion； I wish to recall his
attention to a piece of evidence which I brought forward at
Ottawa on Saturday； showing that he had made substantially the
same charge against substantially the same persons； excluding his
dear self from the category。 I ask him to give some attention to
the evidence which I brought forward that he himself had
discovered a 〃fatal blow being struck〃 against the right of the
people to exclude slavery from their limits； which fatal blow he
assumed as in evidence in an article in the Washington Union；
published 〃by authority。〃 I ask by whose authority？ He
discovers a similar or identical provision in the Lecompton
Constitution。 Made by whom？ The framers of that Constitution。
Advocated by whom？ By all the members of the party in the
nation； who advocated the introduction of Kansas into the Union
under the Lecompton Constitution。 I have asked his attention to
the evidence that he arrayed to prove that such a fatal blow was
being struck； and to the facts which he brought forward in
support of that charge；being identical with the one which he
thinks so villainous in me。 He pointed it； not at a newspaper
editor merely； but at the President and his Cabinet and the
members of Congress advocating the Lecompton Constitution and
those framing that instrument。 I must again be permitted to
remind him that although my ipse dixit may not be as great as
his； yet it somewhat reduces the force of his calling my
attention to the enormity of my making a like charge against him。
Go on； Judge Douglas。
Mr。 LINCOLN'S REJOINDER。
MY FRIENDS：It will readily occur to you that I cannot； in half
an hour； notice all the things that so able a man as Judge
Douglas can say in an hour and a half； and I hope； therefore； if
there be anything that he has said upon which you would like to
hear something from me； but which I omit to comment upon； you
will bear in mind that it would be expecting an impossibility for
me to go over his whole ground。 I can but take up some of the
points that he has dwelt upon； and employ my half…hour specially
on them。
The first thing I have to say to you is a word in regard to Judge
Douglas's declaration about the 〃vulgarity and blackguardism〃 in
the audience； that no such thing； as he says； was shown by any
Democrat while I was speaking。 Now； I only wish； by way of reply
on this subject； to say that while I was speaking； I used no
〃vulgarity or blackguardism〃 toward any Democrat。
Now； my friends； I come to all this long portion of the Judge's
speech；perhaps half of it；which he has devoted to the various
resolutions and platforms that have been adopted in the different
counties in the different Congressional districts； and in the
Illinois legislature； which he supposes are at variance with the
positions I have assumed before you to…day。 It is true that many
of these resolutions are at variance with the positions I have
here assumed。 All I have to ask is that we talk reasonably and
rationally about it。 I happen to know； the Judge's opinion to
the contrary notwithstanding； that I have never tried to conceal
my opinions； nor tried to deceive any one in reference to them。
He may go and examine all the members who voted for me for United
States Senator in 1855； after the election of 1854。 They were
pledged to certain things here at home； and were determined to
have pledges from me； and if he will find any of these persons
who will tell him anything inconsistent with what I say now； I
will resign； or rather retire from the race； and give him no more
trouble。 The plain truth is this： At the introduction of the
Nebraska policy； we believed there was a new era being introduced
in the history of the Republic； which tended to the spread and
perpetuation of slavery。 But in our opposition to that measure
we did not agree with one another in everything。 The people in
the north end of the State were for stronger measures of
opposition than we of the central and southern portions of the
State； but we were all opposed to the Nebraska doctrine。 We had
that one feeling and that one sentiment in common。 You at the
north end met in your conventions and passed your resolutions。
We in the middle of the State and farther south did not hold such
conventions and pass the same resolutions； although we had in
general a common view and a common sentiment。 So that these
meetings which the Judge has alluded to； and the resolutions he
has read from； were local； and did not spread over the whole
State。 We at last met together in 1886； from all parts of the
State； and we agreed upon a common platform。 You； who held more
extreme notions； either yielded those notions； or； if not wholly
yielding them； agreed to yield them practically； for the sake of
embodying the opposition to the measures which the opposite party
were pushing forward at that time。 We met you then； and if there
was anything yielded； it was for practical purposes。 We agreed
then upon a platform for the party throughout the entire State of
Illinois； and now we are all bound； as a party； to that platform。
And I say here to you； if any one expects of mein case of my
electionthat