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that that evil genius has as last made up its mind to forsake
him。
And I may add that another extraordinary feature of the Judge's
conduct in this canvassmade more extraordinary by this
incidentis； that he is in the habit； in almost all the speeches
he makes； of charging falsehood upon his adversaries； myself and
others。 I now ask whether he is able to find in anything that
Judge Trumbull； for instance； has said； or in anything that I
have said； a justification at all compared with what we have； in
this instance； for that sort of vulgarity。
I have been in the habit of charging as a matter of belief on my
part that； in the introduction of the Nebraska Bill into
Congress； there was a conspiracy to make slavery perpetual and
national。 I have arranged from time to time the evidence which
establishes and proves the truth of this charge。 I recurred to
this charge at Ottawa。 I shall not now have time to dwell upon
it at very great length； but inasmuch as Judge Douglas； in his
reply of half an hour； made some points upon me in relation to
it； I propose noticing a few of them。
The Judge insists that； in the first speech I made； in which I
very distinctly made that charge； he thought for a good while I
was in fun！ that I was playful； that I was not sincere about it；
and that he only grew angry and somewhat excited when he found
that I insisted upon it as a matter of earnestness。 He says he
characterized it as a falsehood so far as I implicated his moral
character in that transaction。 Well； I did not know； till he
presented that view； that I had implicated his moral character。
He is very much in the habit； when he argues me up into a
position I never thought of occupying； of very cosily saying he
has no doubt Lincoln is 〃conscientious〃 in saying so。 He should
remember that I did not know but what he was ALTOGETHER
〃CONSCIENTIOUS〃 in that matter。 I can conceive it possible for
men to conspire to do a good thing； and I really find nothing in
Judge Douglas's course of arguments that is contrary to or
inconsistent with his belief of a conspiracy to nationalize and
spread slavery as being a good and blessed thing； and so I hope
he will understand that I do not at all question but that in all
this matter he is entirely 〃conscientious。〃
But to draw your attention to one of the points I made in this
case； beginning at the beginning： When the Nebraska Bill was
introduced； or a short time afterward； by an amendment； I
believe； it was provided that it must be considered 〃the true
intent and meaning of this Act not to legislate slavery into any
State or Territory； or to exclude it therefrom； but to leave the
people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their own
domestic institutions in their own way； subject only to the
Constitution of the United States。〃 I have called his attention
to the fact that when he and some others began arguing that they
were giving an increased degree of liberty to the people in the
Territories over and above what they formerly had on the question
of slavery； a question was raised whether the law was enacted to
give such unconditional liberty to the people； and to test the
sincerity of this mode of argument； Mr。 Chase； of Ohio；
introduced an amendment； in which he made the lawif the
amendment were adoptedexpressly declare that the people of the
Territory should have the power to exclude slavery if they saw
fit。 I have asked attention also to the fact that Judge Douglas
and those who acted with him voted that amendment down；
notwithstanding it expressed exactly the thing they said was the
true intent and meaning of the law。 I have called attention to
the fact that in subsequent times a decision of the Supreme Court
has been made； in which it has been declared that a Territorial
Legislature has no constitutional right to exclude slavery。 And
I have argued and said that for men who did； intend that the
people of the Territory should have the right to exclude slavery
absolutely and unconditionally； the voting down of Chase's
amendment is wholly inexplicable。 It is a puzzle； a riddle。 But
I have said； that with men who did look forward to such a
decision； or who had it in contemplation that such a decision of
the Supreme Court would or might be made； the voting down of that
amendment would be perfectly rational and intelligible。 It would
keep Congress from coming in collision with the decision when it
was made。 Anybody can conceive that if there was an intention or
expectation that such a decision was to follow； it would not be a
very desirable party attitude to get into for the Supreme Court
all or nearly all its members belonging to the same partyto
decide one way； when the party in Congress had decided the other
way。 Hence it would be very rational for men expecting such a
decision to keep the niche in that law clear for it。 After
pointing this out； I tell Judge Douglas that it looks to me as
though here was the reason why Chase's amendment was voted down。
I tell him that； as he did it； and knows why he did it； if it was
done for a reason different from this； he knows what that reason
was and can tell us what it was。 I tell him； also； it will be
vastly more satisfactory to the country for him to give some
other plausible； intelligible reason why it was voted down than
to stand upon his dignity and call people liars。 Well； on
Saturday he did make his answer； and what do you think it was？
He says if I had only taken upon myself to tell the whole truth
about that amendment of Chase's； no explanation would have been
necessary on his part or words to that effect。 Now； I say here
that I am quite unconscious of having suppressed anything
material to the case； and I am very frank to admit if there is
any sound reason other than that which appeared to me material；
it is quite fair for him to present it。 What reason does he
propose？ That when Chase came forward with his amendment
expressly authorizing the people to exclude slavery from the
limits of every Territory； General Cass proposed to Chase； if he
（Chase） would add to his amendment that the people should have
the power to introduce or exclude； they would let it go。 This is
substantially all of his reply。 And because Chase would not do
that； they voted his amendment down。 Well； it turns out； I
believe； upon examination； that General Cass took some part in
the little running debate upon that amendment； and then ran away
and did not vote on it at all。 Is not that the fact？ So
confident； as I think； was General Cass that there was a snake
somewhere about； he chose to run away from the whole thing。 This
is an inference I draw from the fact that； though he took part in
the debate； his name does not appear in the ayes and noes。 But
does Judge Douglas's reply amount to a satisfactory answer？
＇Cries of 〃Yes； 〃Yes；〃 and 〃No；〃 〃No。〃＇
There is some little difference of opinion here。 But I ask
attention to a few more views bearing on the question of whether
it amounts to a satisfactory answer。 The men who were determined
that that amendment should not get into the bill； and spoil the
place where the Dred Scott decision was to come in； sought an
excuse to get rid of it somewhere。 One of these waysone of
these excuseswas to ask Chase to add to his proposed amendment
a provision that the people might introduce slavery if they
wanted to。 They very well knew Chase would do no such thing；
that Mr。 Chase was one of the men differing from them on the
broad principle of his insisting that freedom was better than
slavery；a man who would not consent to enact a law； penned with
his own hand； by which he was made to recognize slavery on the
one hand； and liberty on the other； as precisely equal； and when
they insisted on his doing this； they very well knew they
insisted on that which he would not for a moment think of doing；
and that they were only bluffing him。 I belie