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leaning toward the Americans and Old Whigs。 Last evening； in a
sort of weeping tone； he described to us a death…bed scene。 He
had been called to the side of Mr。 Clay； in his last moments； in
order that the genius of 〃popular sovereignty〃 might duly descend
from the dying man and settle upon him； the living and most
worthy successor。 He could do no less than promise that he would
devote the remainder of his life to 〃popular sovereignty〃； and
then the great statesman departs in peace。 By this part of the
〃plan of the campaign〃 the Judge has evidently promised himself
that tears shall be drawn down the cheeks of all Old Whigs； as
large as half…grown apples。
Mr。 Webster； too； was mentioned； but it did not quite come to a
death…bed scene as to him。 It would be amusing； if it were not
disgusting； to see how quick these compromise…breakers administer
on the political effects of their dead adversaries； trumping up
claims never before heard of； and dividing the assets among
themselves。 If I should be found dead to…morrow morning； nothing
but my insignificance could prevent a speech being made on my
authority； before the end of next week。 It so happens that in
that 〃popular sovereignty〃 with which Mr。 Clay was identified；
the Missouri Compromise was expressly reversed； and it was a
little singular if Mr。 Clay cast his mantle upon Judge Douglas on
purpose to have that compromise repealed。
Again； the Judge did not keep faith with Mr。 Clay when he first
brought in his Nebraska Bill。 He left the Missouri Compromise
unrepealed； and in his report accompanying the bill he told the
world he did it on purpose。 The manes of Mr。 Clay must have been
in great agony till thirty days later； when 〃popular sovereignty〃
stood forth in all its glory。
One more thing。 Last night Judge Douglas tormented himself with
horrors about my disposition to make negroes perfectly equal with
white men in social and political relations。 He did not stop to
show that I have said any such thing； or that it legitimately
follows from anything I have said； but he rushes on with his
assertions。 I adhere to the Declaration of Independence。 If
Judge Douglas and his friends are not willing to stand by it； let
them come up and amend it。 Let them make it read that all men
are created equal except negroes。 Let us have it decided whether
the Declaration of Independence； in this blessed year of 1858；
shall be thus amended。 In his construction of the Declaration
last year； he said it only meant that Americans in America were
equal to Englishmen in England。 Then； when I pointed out to him
that by that rule he excludes the Germans； the Irish； the
Portuguese； and all the other people who have come among us since
the revolution； he reconstructs his construction。 In his last
speech he tells us it meant Europeans。
I press him a little further； and ask if it meant to include the
Russians in Asia； or does he mean to exclude that vast population
from the principles of our Declaration of Independence？ I expect
ere long he will introduce another amendment to his definition。
He is not at all particular。 He is satisfied with anything which
does not endanger the nationalizing of negro slavery。 It may
draw white men down； but it must not lift negroes up。
Who shall say； 〃I am the superior； and you are the inferior〃？
My declarations upon this subject of negro slavery may be
misrepresented； but cannot be misunderstood。 I have said that I
do not understand the Declaration to mean that all men were
created equal in all respects。 They are not our equal in color；
but I suppose that it does mean to declare that all men are equal
in some respects； they are equal in their right to 〃life；
liberty； and the pursuit of happiness。〃 Certainly the negro is
not our equal in color； perhaps not in many other respects；
still； in the right to put into his mouth the bread that his own
hands have earned； he is the equal of every other man； white or
black。 In pointing out that more has been given you； you cannot
be justified in taking away the little which has been given him。
All I ask for the negro is that if you do not like him； let him
alone。 If God gave him but little； that little let him enjoy。
When our government was established we had the institution of
slavery among us。 We were in a certain sense compelled to
tolerate its existence。 It was a sort of necessity。 We had gone
through our struggle and secured our own independence。 The
framers of the Constitution found the institution of slavery
amongst their own institutions at the time。 They found that by
an effort to eradicate it they might lose much of what they had
already gained。 They were obliged to bow to the necessity。 They
gave power to Congress to abolish the slave trade at the end of
twenty years。 They also prohibited it in the Territories where
it did not exist。 They did what they could； and yielded to the
necessity for the rest。 I also yield to all which follows from
that necessity。 What I would most desire would be the separation
of the white and black races。
One more point on this Springfield speech which Judge Douglas
says he has read so carefully。 I expressed my belief in the
existence of a conspiracy to perpetuate and nationalize slavery。
I did not profess to know it； nor do I now。 I showed the part
Judge Douglas had played in the string of facts constituting to
my mind the proof of that conspiracy。 I showed the parts played
by others。
I charged that the people had been deceived into carrying the
last Presidential election； by the impression that the people of
the Territories might exclude slavery if they chose； when it was
known in advance by the conspirators that the court was to decide
that neither Congress nor the people could so exclude slavery。
These charges are more distinctly made than anything else in the
speech。
Judge Douglas has carefully read and reread that speech。 He has
not； so far as I know； contradicted those charges。 In the two
speeches which I heard he certainly did not。 On this own tacit
admission； I renew that charge。 I charge him with having been a
party to that conspiracy and to that deception for the sole
purpose of nationalizing slavery。
CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS
＇The following is the correspondence between the two rival
candidates for the United States Senate＇
MR。 LINCOLN TO MR。 DOUGLAS。
CHICAGO； ILL。； July 24； 1558。
HON。 S。 A。 DOUGLAS：
My dear Sir；Will it be agreeable to you to make an arrangement
for you and myself to divide time； and address the same audiences
the present canvass？ Mr。 Judd； who will hand you this； is
authorized to receive your answer； and； if agreeable to you； to
enter into the terms of such arrangement。
Your obedient servant；
A。 LINCOLN。
Mr。 DOUGLAS TO Mr。 LINCOLN。
BEMENT； PIATT Co。； ILL。； July 30； 1858。
Dear Sir；Your letter dated yesterday； accepting my proposition
for a joint discussion at one prominent point in each
Congressional District； as stated in my previous letter； was
received this morning。
The times and places designated are as follows：
Ottawa； La Salle County August 21st； 1858。
Freeport； Stephenson County 〃 27th；
Jonesboro； Union County； September 15th；
Charleston； Coles County 〃 18th；
Galesburgh； Knox County October 7th；
Quincy； Adams County 〃 13th；
Alton； Madison County 〃 15th；
I agree to your suggestion that we shall alternately open and
close the discussion。 I will speak at Ottawa one hour； you can
reply； occupying an hour and a half； and I will then follow for
half an hour。 At Freeport； you shall open the discussion and
speak one hour； I will follow for an hour and a half； and you can
then reply for half an hour。 We will alternate in like manner in
each successive place。